Claim 1: “The data seems to say that trans women offend in an identical way to men.”
Claim 2: “Trans women are convicted of sexual offenses at rates of about 1,177 per million—higher than men's 490 per million.”
Any claim suggesting:
All of these claims rely on the same statistical manipulation techniques and misrepresentations of studies and fact, which we'll break down below.
| Population | Total | Sex Offenders | Percentage |
|---|---|---|---|
| Trans women prisoners | 129 | 76 | 58.9% |
| Cisgender men prisoners | 78,781 | 13,234 | 16.8% |
| Cisgender women prisoners | 3,812 | 125 | 3.3% |
You're comparing 76 people to 13,234 people using percentages. This hides the scale.
The Classroom Analogy
Does Classroom A “like chocolate more”? No. Classroom B has 174 times more chocolate lovers—it just looks smaller as a percentage because the classroom is massive.
Here's what they don't tell you about that “129 trans prisoners” number:
The MoJ only counts trans prisoners who:
From the MoJ itself:
“Prisoners serving long sentences are more likely to be managed as a transgender prisoner than those on shorter sentences.”
Why this matters: Sexual offenses carry longer sentences. So you're only counting the subset of trans prisoners most likely to be sex offenders, then treating that as representative of all trans people.
From the BBC article:
“Trans prisoners on shorter sentences—who won't be in the survey—are less likely to be sex offenders.”
This is selection bias. It's like surveying people at a gym and concluding “most people exercise regularly.”
This number appears in no source document. Let me show you how it was likely manufactured:
They took: 76 ÷ 129 = 58.9%
Then multiplied by… something? The number is made up.
The actual calculation (if you wanted to do per-capita, which still has problems):
Wait, that's even higher! Except it's still wrong because:
Some also cite a 2011 Swedish study (Dhejne et al.) claiming it shows trans women have “male patterns of criminality.”
This study:
See our full article: The Swedish Study: What It Actually Says
Short version: It doesn't support the claims being made, and the author has said so repeatedly.
Before we analyze the numbers, we need to understand what “sexual offense” actually means in UK law. It's an extremely broad category.
Under UK law, “sexual offense” includes:
Serious violent offenses:
Non-violent and non-contact offenses:
Sex work-related offenses:
Other sexual offenses:
When someone hears “76 trans women sex offenders,” most people picture rapists and child abusers. But that category could include:
These are NOT equivalent crimes, yet they're lumped together in the statistics. Without a breakdown, we cannot know the distribution.
Trans women, particularly trans women of color, are disproportionately pushed into survival sex work due to:
Research shows:
This means the “sexual offense” statistics may be inflated by survival crimes, not violent offenses. Without detailed breakdowns, we cannot determine how much.
Using the term “sexual offense” without breakdown is loaded language designed to invoke fear. It's an appeal to emotion that relies on people assuming all “sex offenders” are rapists.
The reality: The category ranges from rape to soliciting, and treating them as equivalent is intellectually dishonest.
What we know: The MoJ data tells us 76 trans women prisoners had sexual offense convictions. What we don't know: The distribution of those offenses across the wide spectrum of UK sexual offense law.
What prison data shows: Of the prisoners we have right now, here's the breakdown.
What it doesn't show: How likely people are to commit crimes.
Why? Because you need:
The absurd example: “75% of maximum security prisoners are violent offenders, therefore 75% of people are violent.”
Obviously wrong—but that's the exact error being made.
When population sizes differ by 600+ times, per-capita rates become meaningless.
Watch what happens:
| Group | Convictions | Population | Rate per 10,000 |
|---|---|---|---|
| Trans women | 76 | 48,000 | 15.83 |
| Trans women (+6 more) | 82 | 48,000 | 17.08 |
| Cisgender men | 13,234 | 29,177,200 | 4.54 |
| Cisgender men (+6 more) | 13,240 | 29,177,200 | 4.54 |
Six additional cases:
This is why per-capita fails with vastly different population sizes. Small absolute changes create huge percentage swings in the smaller group.
Ask the right question: “Who commits these crimes?”
| Group | Sex Offenders | Percentage of All Sex Offenders |
|---|---|---|
| Cisgender men | 13,234 | 99.43% |
| Trans women | 76 | 0.57% |
| Total | 13,310 | 100.00% |
That's the reality: 99.43% cisgender men, 0.57% trans women.
Now put it in population context:
If you used the manipulated statistics to guide policy, you'd:
This is how over-policing of minorities happens while the majority committing crimes gets ignored.
Note: Per-capita doesn't show “propensity to commit crimes.” It shows propensity to be convicted. These are very different things—but that's another discussion.
Using total convicted individuals (not just prisoners):
Even this comparison has problems (reporting rates, conviction rates), but it's far more valid than prison composition data.
Multiple peer-reviewed studies examining bathroom policies find:
The original claim: “There are no recorded cases of a trans woman sexually assaulting a woman in a UK public toilet.”
Prison data doesn't refute this because:
“There are lies, damned lies, and statistics.”
The claims rest on:
The reality:
When statistics are presented without proper context or with misleading comparisons between vastly different group sizes, they distort reality.
This article aims to promote evidence-based policy discussion by clarifying common statistical manipulation. Good-faith questions about data interpretation are welcomed; weaponizing statistics to promote fear serves no one.